William Peers (1914 – 84) [General, US Army]:
(Report of the Department of the Army Review of the Preliminary Investigations into the My Lai Incident, Department of Army, 1970)
- During the period 16-19 March 1968, US Army troops of [Task Force] Barker, 11th Brigade, Americal Division, massacred a large number of noncombatants in two hamlets [My Lai and My Khe] of Son My Village, Quang Ngai Province, Republic of Vietnam.
The precise number of Vietnamese killed cannot be determined but was at least 175 and may exceed 400.
- The massacre occurred in conjunction with a combat operation which was intended to neutralize Son My Village as a logistical support base and staging area, and to destroy elements of an enemy battalion [mistakenly] thought to be located in the Son My area.
- The massacre resulted primarily from the nature of the orders issued to persons in the chain of command within TF Barker.
- The task force commander's order and the associated intelligence estimate issued prior to the operation were embellished [such that they] ultimately presented to the individual soldier a false and misleading picture of the Son My area as an armed enemy camp, largely devoid of civilian inhabitants.
- Prior to the incident, there had developed within certain elements of the 11th Brigade a permissive attitude toward the treatment and safeguarding of noncombatants which (contributed to the mistreatment of such persons during the Son Ply Operation).
- The permissive attitude in the treatment of Vietnamese was, on 16-19 March 1968, exemplified by an almost total disregard for the lives and property of the civilian population of Son My Village on the part of commanders and key staff officers of TF Barker.
- On 16 March, soldiers at the squad and platoon level, within some elements of TF Barker, murdered noncombatants while under the supervision and control of their immediate superiors.
- [Crimes] visited on the inhabitants of Son My Village included individual and group acts of murder, rape, sodomy, maiming, and assault on noncombatants and the mistreatment and killing of detainees. …
- Some attempts were made to stop the criminal acts …
[But,] with few exceptions, such efforts were too feeble or too late.
- [There was] no evidence that any member [engaged in the] operation was under the influence of marijuana or other narcotics.
William Westmoreland (1914 – 2005) [General and Chief of Staff, US Army]:
The Oriental doesn't put the same high price on life as does a Westerner.
Life is plentiful.
Live is cheap in the Orient.
(Peter Davis, Hearts and Minds, 1974)
Dallas Morning News:
Supposedly the purpose of fortified villages is to keep the Vietcong out. …
Vietnamese farmers are forced at gunpoint into these virtual concentration camps.
Their homes, possessions and crops are burned.
[Seven villagers had their] stomachs slashed, their livers extracted and put on display.
These victims were woman and children.
In another village, expectant mothers [had their stomachs] ripped open and their unborn babies removed.
(1 January 1963)
Vietnamese Democratic Bulletin:
It is certainly an ironic way to protect the peasant masses from Communism. …
Bertrand Russell (1872 – 1970):
The advantages of successful war are doubtful, but the disadvantages of unsuccessful war are certain.
(Creeds as sources of power, Power, 1938, p 103)
Graham Greene (1904 – 91):
The long, slow slide into barbarism of the Western World seems to have quickened.
[These] photographs are of torturers belonging to [the Army of the Republic of South Vietnam — an army] that could not exist without the American aid and counsel.
Does this mean that American authorities sanction torture as a means of interrogation?
Dick Cheney (1941) [46th Vice President of the United States]:
We're going to work the sort of the dark side …
We're going to spend time in the shadows in the intelligence world.
A lot of what needs to be done here will have to be done quietly, without any discussion, using sources and methods that are available to our intelligence agencies — if we're going to be successful.
That's the world these folks operate in, and so it's going to be vital for us to use any means at our disposal, basically, to achieve our objective.
George W Bush (1946) [43rd President of the United States]:
[The Supreme Court has ruled] that we must conduct ourselves under the Common Article 3 of the Geneva Convention.
And that Common Article 3 says that, you know, there will be no 'outrages upon human dignity'.
It's, like, very vague — what does that mean?
(Alex Gibney, Taxi to the Dark Side, 2007)
Cofer Black (1950) [Coordinator, Counter Terrorism Center, Central Intelligence Agency]:
I have discussed this with the President, and he is in full agreement.
Your mission is to find Osama Bin Laden and his senior lieutenants, and kill them. …
I don’t want Bin Laden and his thugs captured.
I want them dead.
Alive and in prison here in the United States and they’ll become a symbol, a rallying point for other terrorists. …
They must be killed.
I want to see photos of their heads on pikes.
I want Bin Laden’s head shipped back in a box filled with dry ice.
I want to be able to show Bin Laden’s head to the President.
I promised him I would do that.
(Gary Schroen, First In, Presdio paperback, 2005, p 40)
Colin Powell (1937) [Secretary of State, George W Bush Administration, 2001-05]:
[George W Bush] has these cowboy characteristics, and when you know where to rub him, you can really get him to do some dumb things.
You have to play on those swaggering bits of his self-image.
Cheney knew exactly how to push all his buttons.
(Jane Mayer, The Dark Side, Scribe, 2008, p 125)
Waleed Aly (1978)
[Resorting to torture and repression] is an erosion of the moral foundations … of Western civilisation. …
It is also [doomed to fail].
[It] proclaims to all a humiliating desperation and the intensity of Western fears.
[It is an admission by those] who reach for [it] that they have exhausted their ideas [and abandoned their values.]
[No] further deterrent [is] available.
[No] further philosophical triumph [is] to be sought.
They have spent their last resort …
These are not the responses of an assured people, upright and certain of victory. …
Revolutionary movements [rely] on the repressive action of those they seek to overthrow.
They cannot be fought on terrain bereft of ethics.
This merely … serves as potent recruitment propaganda [and] provides a steady stream of martyrs to inspire continued revolution.
(People Like Us, 2007, pp 205-6)
John Kennedy (1917 – 63)
You can never defeat the Communist movement in Indochina until you get the support of natives …
[And] you won't get [that support,] until the French … pull out and give this country the right of self-determination and the right to govern themselves.
[I believe] that no amount of military assistance in Indochina can conquer an enemy that is everywhere and at the same time nowhere — "an enemy of the people" which has the sympathy and covert support of the people.
(Chris Matthews, Jack Kennedy: Elusive Hero, Simon & Schuster, 2011, Reader's Digest, 2013, pp 67 & 98)
Bertrand Russell (1872 – 1970)
… South Vietnam was part of French Cochin-China, but after a long process of civil war, the French were excluded from the whole region.
A conference was summoned to meet at Geneva in 1954.
The conclusions reached were sensible and, if they had been carried out, no trouble would have arisen.
Vietnam was to be independent and neutral, and was to have a parliamentary government established by a General Election.
The Americans did not like this.
They professed to suspect that [a unified] Vietnam would become part of the Communist bloc if left to itself… in spite of reiterated statements by the Government of North Vietnam that they wished to be neutral. …
There were in South Vietnam three parties:
- the peasants [—] who constituted the large majority;
- the Buddhists; and
- a tiny minority of Christians [—] who had been supporters of the French.
[Consequently, war] ensued between the American-supported minority and the Buddhists and peasants. …
It has been warfare of an incredibly brutal kind [—] brutal to a degree seldom equaled by any civilised power. …
It is generally admitted that there is no hope that the Americans can win this war. …
Eight million [South Vietnamese] have been put in barbed wire concentration camps involving forced labour.
The country — civilians, animals and crops, as well as warriors and jungle — has been sprayed with jelly gasoline and poison chemicals.
Fifty thousand villages were burnt in 1962 alone. …
[The] anti-Communist Democratic Party of Vietnam told the International Control Commission that:
Decapitation, eviscerations and the public display of murdered women and children are common.
(The Labour Party's Foreign Policy, LSE, 15 February, 1965)